Please use this identifier to cite or link to this item: http://hdl.handle.net/11707/4605
Title: Une analyse minimaliste et dérivationnelle de la morphosyntaxe du Shupamen
Authors: Nchare, Abdoulaye Laziz
Keywords: African Languages
Bantu Languages
Shupamen
Issue Date: 2005
Publisher: Université de Yaoundé I
Abstract: This study proposes a restrictive approach to the morphosyntax of Shupamem, il grassfield Bantu language spoken in Wcst Cameroon, in relation to word variation and agreement. Until1 recently, the standard approach to cross- linguistic variation within the Principles and Parameters theory has been to say that therc exists some parameter within the system of Universul Grammar ( UG) and that variation is a reflection of difkrent value assignments to such a parameter. This variation in linear order for example, will be attributed to a parametric variation in word order. Recently, this standard assumption has been called to question and it is increasingly being suggested that to achieve a restrictive theory of syntax, severe restrictions must be imposed on the range of syntactic representations accessible to the human language faculty (see Sportiche (1993), Kayne (1994)). Following this reductionist approach, I begin with the hypothesis that even though on the surface Shupamem displays mixed word properties that in some cases vary between a head-complement and a complement-head order, it can be analysed as having an underlying symmetrical word order. I argue that movement of maximal projections destroys the underlying word order symmetry or functional categories to check their features to designated specifier positions. Using the minimalist framework, I abandon the standard old approach which views word order variation as a result of some parametric value assigned to different constructions. The assumption that there is movement of maximal projections or functional categories to targeted specifier positions bas additional consequences in Shupamem that go beyond those concerning linear order. It straightforwardly explains the various (overt) agreement patterns particularly within the noun phrase. I argue following Nkemnji's (1995) proposal which shows that the incidence of word order asymmetry and agreement are directly linked to pied-piping. The sort of pied piping described in this work suggests that syntactic movement is limited just to minimal heads (Xo)a nd extended minimal XP projections like DPs, PPs, Aps ...' but that Move Alphu also affects sub-DPs constituents (bigger than (Xo) heads lie NumP, ClassP, as well as clausal constituents like TP/AgrP, NegP and FocusP.
URI: http://hdl.handle.net/11707/4605
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