On niente : optional negative concord in Old Italian

Abstract

In this work we will take into account the distribution of the negative quantifier/negative polarity item niente/neente/neiente "nothing/anything" in the Old Florentine variety, commonly referred to as Old Italian, spoken from 1200 to approximately 1350. We will show that the distribution of bare niente is sensitive to its adverbial versus argumental status: when niente is adverbial, negative concord is obligatory; when niente is argumental, negative concord is optional. We argue that this optionality is only apparent and has to be accounted for in terms of position: niente can only trigger negative concord when it is located in a position in the law IP area above vP, where aspectual distinctions are encoded, but not when it stays in its argumental position.