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    <title>Lear Collection:</title>
    <link>http://hdl.handle.net/10278/2481</link>
    <description />
    <pubDate>Sat, 18 May 2013 17:28:38 GMT</pubDate>
    <dc:date>2013-05-18T17:28:38Z</dc:date>
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      <title>Rivista di Grammatica Generativa, vol. 32 (2007)</title>
      <link>http://hdl.handle.net/10278/2536</link>
      <description>Title: Rivista di Grammatica Generativa, vol. 32 (2007)</description>
      <pubDate>Sun, 31 Dec 2006 23:00:00 GMT</pubDate>
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      <dc:date>2006-12-31T23:00:00Z</dc:date>
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      <title>Verbal Participles and the Prenominal Position in English</title>
      <link>http://hdl.handle.net/10278/2495</link>
      <description>Title: Verbal Participles and the Prenominal Position in English
Author&amp;frasl;s: Laskova, Vasselina
Abstract: In this paper, I will try to show that empirical data come in support of the&#xD;
analyses which assume that reduced relative clause elements and verbal elements in&#xD;
particular are allowed prenominally in English. First, I will discuss a group of&#xD;
participles, which I will call postmodified participles, namely, participles which are&#xD;
postmodified by adverbs. I will claim that these participles are real verbal participles,&#xD;
something that has been, to my knowledge, unnoticed so far. Basing myself upon&#xD;
data from Bulgarian, where postmodified participles can occur in front of the noun, I&#xD;
will suggest that their impossibility to occur in prenominal position in English is&#xD;
simply due to the right recursion restriction and not to their being verbal. I will&#xD;
provide also some semantic evidence showing that prenominally used participles are&#xD;
not necessarily “stative”. I will provide direct evidence from English that it is possible to isolate real verbal participles in prenominal position also in this&#xD;
language. Finally, I will show that the possibility to use the modifier very much&#xD;
prenominally, unequivocally suggests that reduced relative clauses (IPs) are allowed&#xD;
in this position.</description>
      <pubDate>Sun, 31 Dec 2006 23:00:00 GMT</pubDate>
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      <dc:date>2006-12-31T23:00:00Z</dc:date>
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    <item>
      <title>Subject omission in present-day written English</title>
      <link>http://hdl.handle.net/10278/2494</link>
      <description>Title: Subject omission in present-day written English
Author&amp;frasl;s: Haegeman, Liliane
Abstract: This paper concentrates on certain registers in English in which the obligation&#xD;
for there to be a subject associated with a finite clause seems to be relaxed. This is&#xD;
notably the case in some variants of spoken English, here illustrated through&#xD;
dialogues taken from novels in (5)2, and in some written registers which tend to use&#xD;
abbreviated writing such as diary writing or note taking, which are illustrated in (6).</description>
      <pubDate>Sun, 31 Dec 2006 23:00:00 GMT</pubDate>
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      <dc:date>2006-12-31T23:00:00Z</dc:date>
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    <item>
      <title>Il soggetto nullo incassato del Portoghese Brasiliano</title>
      <link>http://hdl.handle.net/10278/2493</link>
      <description>Title: Il soggetto nullo incassato del Portoghese Brasiliano
Author&amp;frasl;s: Guesser, Simone
Abstract: Con questo paper si intende fare alcune riflessioni sull’analisi hyperraising proposta&#xD;
da Ferreira (2004). Due sono gli obiettivi: il primo è sottolineare che le assunzioni&#xD;
e le prove empiriche che supportano l’analisi molte volte non sono esenti da&#xD;
problematiche. Il secondo è mostrare che le peculiarità dei soggetti nulli incassati&#xD;
del PB non necessariamente suggeriscono il verificarsi di un hyperraising e possono&#xD;
essere analizzate con gli strumenti tradizionali della teoria generativa. Più specificatamente,&#xD;
mostreremo che esse possono essere analizzate seguendo l’analisi di Huang&#xD;
(1984), ovvero, assumendo che i soggetti nulli incassati siano una sorta di pro che,&#xD;
differentemente da lingue a soggetto nullo come l’italiano e lo spagnolo, non vengono&#xD;
identificati dalla flessione, ma ricevono l’identificazione dal NP c-comandante&#xD;
più vicino.</description>
      <pubDate>Sun, 31 Dec 2006 23:00:00 GMT</pubDate>
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      <dc:date>2006-12-31T23:00:00Z</dc:date>
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