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    <dc:date>2013-05-19T21:06:52Z</dc:date>
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    <title>University of Venice Working Papers in Linguistics, vol. 21</title>
    <link>http://hdl.handle.net/10278/2585</link>
    <description>Title: University of Venice Working Papers in Linguistics, vol. 21</description>
    <dc:date>2010-12-31T23:00:00Z</dc:date>
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  <item rdf:about="http://hdl.handle.net/10278/2584">
    <title>Evidence for a Split DP in Latin</title>
    <link>http://hdl.handle.net/10278/2584</link>
    <description>Title: Evidence for a Split DP in Latin
Author&amp;frasl;s: Giusti, Giuliana; Iovino, Rossella</description>
    <dc:date>2010-12-31T23:00:00Z</dc:date>
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  <item rdf:about="http://hdl.handle.net/10278/2581">
    <title>Remarks on Temporal Anchoring : The Case of Armenian Aorist</title>
    <link>http://hdl.handle.net/10278/2581</link>
    <description>Title: Remarks on Temporal Anchoring : The Case of Armenian Aorist
Author&amp;frasl;s: Giorgi, Alessandra
Editor&amp;frasl;s: Haroutyunian, Sona
Abstract: In this paper we consider a verbal form of the Armenian system, the Aorist, that exhibits temporal and aspectual properties not easily fitting the "canonical" descriptions. We will see that its distribution might seem at first sight incoherent and show that only by means of a finer analysis it is possible to account for its characteristics in a uniform way. To this end, we compare the Armenian aorist with the English simple past and present perfect, on one side, and with the Italian passato remoto (simple past) and passato prossimo (present perfect), on the other.</description>
    <dc:date>2010-12-31T23:00:00Z</dc:date>
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    <title>On niente : optional negative concord in Old Italian</title>
    <link>http://hdl.handle.net/10278/2580</link>
    <description>Title: On niente : optional negative concord in Old Italian
Author&amp;frasl;s: Garzonio, Jacopo; Poletto, Cecilia
Abstract: In this work we will take into account the distribution of the negative quantifier/negative polarity item niente/neente/neiente "nothing/anything" in the Old Florentine variety, commonly referred to as Old Italian, spoken from 1200 to approximately 1350. We will show that the distribution of bare niente is sensitive to its adverbial versus argumental status: when niente is adverbial, negative concord is obligatory; when niente is argumental, negative concord is optional. We argue that this optionality is only apparent and has to be accounted for in terms of position: niente can only trigger negative concord when it is located in a position in the law IP area above vP, where aspectual distinctions are encoded, but not when it stays in its argumental position.</description>
    <dc:date>2010-12-31T23:00:00Z</dc:date>
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