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    <dc:date>2013-05-21T02:22:23Z</dc:date>
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    <title>Rivista di Grammatica Generativa, vol. 34 (2009)</title>
    <link>http://hdl.handle.net/10278/2538</link>
    <description>Title: Rivista di Grammatica Generativa, vol. 34 (2009)</description>
    <dc:date>2008-12-31T23:00:00Z</dc:date>
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  <item rdf:about="http://hdl.handle.net/10278/2521">
    <title>Contrastiveness and New Information: a new view on Focus</title>
    <link>http://hdl.handle.net/10278/2521</link>
    <description>Title: Contrastiveness and New Information: a new view on Focus
Author&amp;frasl;s: Paoli, Sandra
Abstract: After a brief overview of the syntactic representation of Focus in section 1, data from a North-eastern Italian variety are analysed and discussed in section 2. This leads, in section 3, to the identification of some basic features which, combined, provide a way of capturing the breakdown of the properties of the two types of contrastive focus; section 4 investigates whether these features find expression at the syntactic level, and addresses some remaining issues. Some of the prosodic properties of the two types of contrastive focus are examined in section 5, and in section 6 we present a few concluding remarks.</description>
    <dc:date>2008-12-31T23:00:00Z</dc:date>
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    <title>Caratteri della Cliticizzazione di ne</title>
    <link>http://hdl.handle.net/10278/2520</link>
    <description>Title: Caratteri della Cliticizzazione di ne
Author&amp;frasl;s: Lonzi, Lidia
Abstract: In quest’analisi della ne-cl(iticization) l’opposizione pertinente coinvolge coppie minime contenenti non verbi inaccusativi vs. inergativi, bensì verbi inergativi in for-ma semplice (accettabile) vs. perifrastica (inaccettabile). Questo dato viene interpre-tato all’interno dell’analisi standard (Belletti &amp; Rizzi, 1981, Burzio, 1986) e succes-sivi sviluppi, in particolare Kayne (1993) sulla selezione dell’ausiliare. Esso riflette-rebbe un sistematico slittamento dei verbi interessati dallo status di inergativi a quel-lo di inaccusativi, permesso nel caso della forma semplice ma bloccato nel caso della forma perifrastica dall’interazione della struttura sintattica di Avere con il clitico par-titivo.&#xD;
La caratterizzazione sintattico-semantica e di struttura informativa della ne-cl che ne deriva permette una prima verifica dell’ipotesi di Levin &amp; Rappaport Hovav (1995) sull’analogia di condizioni discorsivo-funzionali tra ne-cl e locative inversion dell’inglese.</description>
    <dc:date>2008-12-31T23:00:00Z</dc:date>
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  <item rdf:about="http://hdl.handle.net/10278/2519">
    <title>A comparison between the Cantonese aspect markers gan and haidou</title>
    <link>http://hdl.handle.net/10278/2519</link>
    <description>Title: A comparison between the Cantonese aspect markers gan and haidou
Author&amp;frasl;s: Lam, Chi-Fung
Abstract: This paper intends to discuss the difference between gan and haidou and to explain it by considering notions originating from the two-component theory of aspect advocated by Smith (1997). In her theory, both the viewpoint aspect and situation aspect of the verb constellation contribute to the aspectuality of a sentence. It is well known that the progressive aspect can occur in sentences with Activity and Accomplishment (e.g. Gu 1999:193-4). Thus, it is not surprising that both haidou and gan can occur in these two types of events. However, I will show that gan is also compatible with a certain subset of Stative sentences. This hypothesis builds on the observation that the situation type Stative, as in Smith‟s terminology, may further be divided into two types which are quite different in nature, namely Property and State, I claim that the State is compatible with gan while the Property is not. This additional classification helps us to establish a syntactic and semantic distinction between gan and haidou. It provides an effective criterion to predict the distribution of the two aspect markers. In a nutshell, the goal of this paper is to show:&#xD;
(G1) Haidou is a typical progressive aspect marker which is used in Activities and Accomplishments.&#xD;
(G2) Gan should be treated as a general imperfective aspect marker. While it can be used with Activities and Accomplishments, it can also be employed with [-permanent] States.</description>
    <dc:date>2008-12-31T23:00:00Z</dc:date>
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